Poetic justice? It seems that after the Supreme Court Decision, Kelo vs.
City of New London, a private developer is seeking the home of Supreme
Court Justice David Souter, so that he can make a hotel on the site:
http://wnd.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=45029
Whatever happened to property rights anyway? And why does government no
longer perform its proper function, part of which is to protect property?
Have we forgotten that the proper role of government is to protect freedom?
And that freedom, to our Founding Fathers, consisted of the power or
ability to enjoy one's life, liberty and property?
Property rights, for a short time at least, occupied a paramount status in
the law and customs of America. Indeed, property rights were the kingpin or
foundation stone upon which all other elements of freedom rest. The
importance of property rights are reflected in the words and writings of
the framers and other great men before, during, and after the founding era.
Consider the words of three such great men:
The great and chief end therefore, of men's unity into commonwealths,
and putting themselves under government, is the preservation of their
property (John Locke, The True End of Civil Government, 1690)
The moment the idea is admitted into society that property is not as
sacred as the laws of God, and that there is no force of law and public
justice to protect it, anarchy and tyranny commence. Property must be
secured or liberty cannot exist (John Adams, Works)
The three great rights are so bound together as to be essentially one
right. To give a man his life but deny him his liberty, is to take from him
all that makes his life living. To give him his liberty but take form him
the property which is the fruit and badge of his liberty, is to still leave
him a slave (Justice George Sutherland of the U.S. Supreme Court, in 1921)
Property and its importance in western culture as a positive force is also
reflected in our language, expressions, and in words and their meaning. For
instance, compare the following words pairs and their meaning, proper to
property, good to goods or weal to wealth. Or how about the English play on
words, "he is a good man who is a man of goods," or the saying that to be
born "of goodly parents" meant that the family was wealthy enough to hire
tutors for "learning."
Since it is governments primary responsibility to protect property, it
should not seem strange that our Founding Fathers would have planned and
designed certain checks and balances into the very form or structure of
government and the way it operates as a system.
One such device the founders utilized to protect property was restricting
the voting franchise so that only "freeholders" (those who owned land, free
and clear) could vote. For instance in the early years of our Republic
every one of the States had different property requirements, either in land
or some other monetary or private property equivalent--but they all
attempted, in one way or the other, to protect private property by property
restrictions on the vote.
Arguments the Founders used for restricting the voting franchise to
property owners included:
* Since voters were also property owners they would have a great
vested interest in how government was run and operated and in keeping
government fiscally restrained and responsible
* Potential voters had a built-in incentive to acquire property
* Property owners were generally seen as those who had worked hard and
industriously, had exercised self-control and thrift, and acquired other
virtuous character traits seen as necessary for the well-being of society.
Arguments against restricting the vote to property owners soon began to
appear however. Most of the arguments centered around the idea of fairness
and equality. On the surface, it does seems unfair to restrict the right to
vote to property owners--especially those affected by the legislation being
considered. For instance, one reader writes in:
. . . all classes of men must have their right to vote. . . Once you
set the property requirement, will it not be manipulated by those who have
the most property and the most influence? What about companies and
railroads and farmers and ranchers who bought up huge tracks of land and
leased it and rented it and so on? Shall all these be disenfranchised? Did
any of the workers own their own land, for example, in the silver mines,
coal mines, copper mines of Utah? It was bad enough, in some cases a real
slavery. Should we have added to it, and kept it eternal by
disenfranchising them? . . . How about when older folks, even prosperous
folks often scale down and move into apartments and nursing homes and
retirement rental communities in their old age? Are they no longer worthy
citizens?
However, fairness was and is a moot point, a non-issue, since all people
were equal before the law. The only thing separating a voter from a
non-voter was the necessary property ownership--something that could be
acquired and overcome. Moreover, it needs to be remembered that even today,
with our greatly broadened voting franchise, not all people affected by
legislation get the right to vote, for instance:
* Minors, or underage children don't have the vote
* Those under guardianship, whether old or young but mentally
incapable don't have the vote
* Non-citizens, such as Immigrants, whether legal or illegal, don't
have the vote
* Convicted felons don't have the vote
As we can see, voting is not as much a right as it is a privilege. A
careful analysis of the issue will clearly yield where voting is restricted
in other areas as well. Because we are a republic and not a pure democracy
not everyone votes on everything--it would be impractical and undesirable.
Inequality was actually built into the system. Our vote on issues, instead
of being a direct one on one vote is indirect. Our vote on candidates, in
many cases are also indirect. For instance, it is the electoral college who
elects the president not the direct vote. Which is why Presidents of the
United States can get elected without a majority of the popular vote.
Neither do we vote directly on treaties, ambassadorships or the like--these
are done for us indirectly through representatives.
Alexander Hamilton empathized with those wishing to broaden the voting
suffrage by allowing non-property owners the vote but realized the folly
inherent with allowing such. Further, in regards to fairness and equality,
he understood that voters who were also property owners would be on an
equal footing with all other such voters. As he wrote:
If it were probable that every man would give his vote freely, and
without influence of any kind, then, upon the true theory and genuine
principles of liberty, every member of the community, however poor, should
have a vote
But since that can hardly be expected, in persons of indigent
fortunes, or such as are under the immediate dominion of others, all
popular states have been obliged to establish certain qualifications,
whereby, some who are suspected to have no will of their own, are excluded
from voting; in order to set other individuals, whose wills may be supposed
independent, more thoroughly upon a level with each other. (Alexander
Hamilton, "The Farmer Refuted")
John Tyler summarized other dangers of giving non-property owners the vote:
A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can
only exist until the voters discover they can vote themselves largesse from
the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority always votes for the
candidates promising them the most benefits from the public treasury, with
the result that a democracy always collapses over a loose fiscal
responsibility, always followed by a dictatorship. (Alexander Tyler, in his
1770 book, Cycle of Democracy)
Fast forward to the present--How far has our Constitutional Federated
Republic degenerated since we've disengaged property requirements from the
voting franchise? Certainly it cannot be argued that property rights are
more secure now than then. Some politically astute individuals even predict
that we are in danger of a economic, if not political crisis in the not too
far future. If we are to be wise stewards of property perhaps its time to
reestablish property restrictions on the vote. States certainly have the
constitutional ability to do so. The Founders wisely left this ability up
to the States. Do they have the will?